It
is entirely reasonable to believe that media coverage is systematically flawed.
In some ways, it is! Too much attention is paid to violent crime (Altheide
1997; Soroka 2014). Tweets
are increasingly presented as representative public opinion (McGregor
2019). Changes in media technology have facilitated, and quite possibly
enhanced, political polarization in media sources and political beliefs (Bail et
al. 2018).
Even
as media coverage is imperfect, there are reasons to suspect that media partly
fulfill their function in modern representative democracy. A large volume of research
confirms that media coverage provides a reasonable (if imperfect) representation
of the national economy, for instance. Media reporting during campaigns tends
to rise and fall with campaign events and public support for candidates itself.
And the news tends to following the ebb and flow of policy over time.
Evidence
of accurate media coverage, and public responsiveness to that coverage, is of
real significance. Government accountability depends on informed citizens. So
too does political representation. Why, after all, would we expect governments
to represent public preferences if those preferences weren’t at least minimally
informed? Effective representative democracy depends at least in part on
accurate media coverage of legislative action and policy change.
A
critical task for scholars of media and democracy, then, is to identity areas
in which media fail or succeed. The recent literatures on misinformation and
disinformation have (appropriately) focused a good of attention on failures
(e.g., Lazer
et al. 2018). Our own work identifies
some failures as well. News coverage in the US does not neatly reflect federal
spending policy in certain important areas, such as education and the
environment. But news does reflect what is happening in other significant
domains, including defense, welfare, and health.
Consider for instance the graph below, which compares media coverage of defense spending change and actual changes in defense spending over nearly 40 years. The spending data shown here are relatively straightforward: these are changes, from one fiscal year to the next, in total dollars spent by the US federal government on defense, as reported by the Office of Management and Budget. We show a standardized measure in order to plot spending change alongside the “media policy signal.”
What
is that “media policy signal”? We begin by extracting every sentence about
defense spending from major US newspapers and television networks. (Details of
our methodology are available here.) Using computer-automated
text analysis, we identify sentences that suggest upward or downward changes in
spending. We then combine these sentences each fiscal year to produce a
“signal” – an indication of what readers could learn about spending change if
they were attentive to media coverage.
Our
results suggest a strong correlation between media coverage of spending and
actual spending change on defense. Indeed, even when we look at different
media outlets separately, most produce coverage that is roughly in
line with what policy is actually doing. This is good news for media, and good
news for democracy. If Americans want to learn (and act upon) information about
what their government is spending on defense, media are providing at least some
of the necessary information. Defense is one of several domains in which media
coverage of policy is fairly accurate, which also include spending on welfare
and health. Importantly, these are ones where past work finds evidence that Americans
respond to policy change.
This
rosy picture does not carry over to all policy domains. As noted earlier, media
coverage is much less reflective of changes in spending on education and the
environment. (Results are available here.) While our data
indicate that media coverage often provides an accurate depiction of changes in
spending, then, coverage is not perfect – and this is true even in the domains where
it does reflect government actions. This may come as little surprise to
most news consumers; what may surprise is that coverage often is quite accurate
in certain salient areas – defense, welfare and health. It just is not as bad
as you might think.
We take these results as a useful reminder of the importance of the media in democracy. Accurate coverage of government actions makes possible political accountability on Election Day. It also makes possible the effective guidance of elected officials in between elections. Identifying the successes and failures in US media coverage is fundamental for those interested in informative, accurate journalism to be sure. But it also is critical for anyone who values effective representative democracy.
Information and Democracy by Stuart N. Soroka and Christopher Wlezien
Stuart N. Soroka is Professor of Communication at the University of California, Los Angeles, and Adjunct Research Professor in the Center for Political Studies at the University of Michigan....
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